如果講源起或主義，墨索里尼不是創始。但他打正旗號用 fascism 這字，而且也付諸實踐。
有時也想嘲笑那些說「共產黨也有好處」，可以回答他們一句「那麼法西斯主義同樣也有好的」
//The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action.//
//Background and 19th-century roots
Georges Valois, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party Faisceau,[74] claimed the roots of fascism stemmed from the late 18th century Jacobin movement, seeing in its totalitarian nature a foreshadowing of the fascist state.[75] Historian George Mosse similarly analyzed fascism as an inheritor of the mass ideology and civil religion of the French Revolution, as well as a result of the brutalization of societies in 1914–1918.[75]
Historians such as Irene Collins and Howard C Payne see Napoleon III, who ran a 'police state' and suppressed the media, as a forerunner of fascism.[76] According to David Thomson,[77] the Italian Risorgimento of 1871 led to the 'nemesis of fascism'. William L Shirer[78] sees a continuity from the views of Fichte and Hegel, through Bismarck, to Hitler; Robert Gerwarth speaks of a 'direct line' from Bismarck to Hitler.[79] Julian Dierkes sees fascism as a 'particularly violent form of imperialism'.[80]//
//Fin de siècle era and fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914)
The historian Zeev Sternhell has traced the ideological roots of fascism back to the 1880s and in particular to the fin de siècle theme of that time.[81] The theme was based on a revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society, and democracy.[82] The fin-de-siècle generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism and vitalism.[83] They regarded civilization as being in crisis, requiring a massive and total solution.[82] Their intellectual school considered the individual as only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as a numerical sum of atomized individuals.[82] They condemned the rationalistic, liberal individualism of society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society.[82]
The fin-de-siècle outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including Darwinian biology, Gesamtkunstwerk, Arthur de Gobineau's racialism, Gustave Le Bon's psychology, and the philosophies of Friedrich Nietzsche, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, and Henri Bergson.[84] Social Darwinism, which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as being an unceasing struggle to achieve the survival of the fittest.[84] It challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment.[84] Its emphasis on biogroup identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered the legitimacy and appeal of nationalism.[85] New theories of social and political psychology also rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason.[84] Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead" coincided with his attack on the "herd mentality" of Christianity, democracy, and modern collectivism, his concept of the Übermensch, and his advocacy of the will to power as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the fin-de-siècle generation.[86] Bergson's claim of the existence of an élan vital, or vital instinct, centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; this challenged Marxism.[87]
In his work The Ruling Class (1896), Gaetano Mosca developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" would dominate and rule over an "disorganized majority",[88] stating that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority).[89] He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority.[89]//
(See also wiki article on Fin de siècle （世紀末）https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fin_de_si%C3%A8cle
//Fin de siècle (French: [fɛ̃ də sjɛkl]) is a French term meaning "end of century", a term which typically encompasses both the meaning of the similar English idiom turn of the century and also makes reference to the closing of one era and onset of another. Without context, the term is typically used to refer to the end of the 19th century. This period was widely thought to be a period of social degeneracy, but at the same time a period of hope for a new beginning.[1] The "spirit" of fin de siècle often refers to the cultural hallmarks that were recognized as prominent in the 1880s and 1890s, including ennui, cynicism, pessimism, and "a widespread belief that civilization leads to decadence".[2][3]
The term fin de siècle is commonly applied to French art and artists, as the traits of the culture first appeared there, but the movement affected many European countries.[4][5] The term becomes applicable to the sentiments and traits associated with the culture, as opposed to focusing solely on the movement's initial recognition in France. The ideas and concerns developed by fin de siècle artists provided the impetus for movements such as symbolism and modernism.[6]
The themes of fin de siècle political culture were very controversial and have been cited as a major influence on fascism[7][8] and as a generator of the science of geopolitics, including the theory of Lebensraum.[9] Professor of Historical Geography at the University of Nottingham, Michael Heffernan, and Mackubin Thomas Owens wrote about the origins of geopolitics:
"The idea that this project required a new name in 1899 reflected a widespread belief that the changes taking place in the global economic and political system were seismically important."
The "new world of the Twentieth century would need to be understood in its entirety, as an integrated global whole". Technology and global communication made the world "smaller" and turned it into a single system; the time was characterized by pan-ideas and a utopian "one-worldism", proceeding further than pan-ideas.[10][11]
"What we now think of geopolitics had its origins in fin de siècle Europe in response to technological change ... and the creation of a "closed political system" as European imperialist competition extinguished the world's "frontiers".[12]"
The major political theme of the era was that of revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society, and liberal democracy.[7] The fin-de-siècle generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism, and vitalism,[8] while the mindset of the age saw civilization as being in a crisis that required a massive and total solution.[7]//
//「世紀末」的政治文化非常具有爭議，對於法西斯主義產生重大影響[4][5]。這個時代許多政治主張反抗唯物主義、理性主義、實證主義、資產階級社會和自由主義民主[5]。//
https://zh.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E4%B8%96%E7%B4%80%E6%9C%AB )
//French nationalist and reactionary monarchist Charles Maurras influenced fascism.[90] Maurras promoted what he called integral nationalism, which called for the organic unity of a nation, and insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject.[90] He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people.[90] Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism.[90]//
(See also wiki article on Charles Maurras
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Maurras
//In 1899, Maurras founded the review Action Française (AF), an offshoot of the newspaper created by Maurice Pujo and Henri Vaugeois the year preceding.[9] Maurras quickly became influential in the movement, and converted Pujo and Vaugeois to monarchism, which became the movement's principal cause. With Léon Daudet, he edited the movement's review, La Revue de l'Action Française, which during 1908 became a daily newspaper with the shorter title L'Action Française. The AF mixed integral nationalism with reactionary themes, shifting the nationalist ideology, previously supported by left-wing Republicans, to the political right.[13] It had a wide readership during the implementation of the 1905 law on the separation of Church and State. In 1899 he wrote a short notice in favour of monarchy, "Dictateur et roi" ("Dictator and King"), and then in 1900 his "Enquête sur la monarchie" (Investigations on Monarchy), published in the Legitimist mouthpiece La Gazette de France, which made him famous. Maurras also published thirteen articles in the newspaper Le Figaro during 1901 and 1902, as well as six articles between November 1902 and January 1903 in Edouard Drumont's anti-Semitic newspaper, La Libre Parole.[11]//)
君主制的法西斯，這不就是天皇轄下的日本軍國主義？
袁世凱1915年謀劃改國體為君主立憲，就算他有諮詢外國顧問，他們給出的很時髦建議，可能仍是這種君主制法西斯。
//Fascist syndicalism
French revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel promoted the legitimacy of political violence in his work Reflections on Violence (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a general strike.[91] In Reflections on Violence, Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary political religion.[92] Also in his work The Illusions of Progress, Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, saying "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy."[93] By 1909, after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views—advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries.[94] Initially, Sorel had officially been a revisionist of Marxism, but by 1910 announced his abandonment of socialist literature and claimed in 1914, using an aphorism of Benedetto Croce that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism".[95] Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909 that influenced his works.[95] Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with Sorelian syndicalism, known as Sorelianism, as a means to confront democracy.[96] Maurras stated that "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand."[97]//
這裡其實最重點是反對由理性主義、實證主義帶下來引致的資本主義、資產階級社會和自由主義民主，所以是建立「政治宗教」 (political religion). 那麼這載體是先鋒黨、愛國天主教，定還是君主制度都不重要。
重點係「浪子回頭金不換」 😂
//The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist Enrico Corradini.[98] Corradini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight.[98] Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "plutocratic" French and British.[99] Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism".[99]
The ANI held ties and influence among conservatives, Catholics, and the business community.[100] Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism, internationalism, and pacifism, and the promotion of heroism, vitalism, and violence.[101] The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism. They believed that humans are naturally predatory, and that nations are in a constant struggle in which only the strongest would survive.[102]//
認為國際政治就是弱肉強食
 |
| Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Italian modernist author of the Futurist Manifesto (1909) and later the co-author of the Fascist Manifesto (1919) |
未來主義宣言
//Futurism was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti who founded the Manifesto of Futurism (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected conventional democracy based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to numbers, to quantity, to the mass, for with us number, quantity and mass will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive."[103]
Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization.[104] Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men saying that, in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books. He advocated segregation of the genders because womanly sensibility must not enter men's education, which he claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic."[105]//
一次世界大戰令成立法西斯國家的客觀基礎更為完備。
//World War I and its aftermath (1914–1929)
At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) opposed the war but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism.[106] Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist fascio called the Revolutionary Fasces of International Action in October 1914.[106] Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper Avanti! for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate fascio.[107] The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action.[108]
The first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915[109] when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems—including national borders—of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended."[109] Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and the organization was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.[110]
Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist Johann Plenge spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution).[111] According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789"—such as the rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism—were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law and order.[111] Plenge believed that racial solidarity (Volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.[111] He believed that the Spirit of 1914 manifested itself in the concept of the People's League of National Socialism.[112] This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.[112] This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.[112][113][page needed] Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state.[114]
Impact of World War I
Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state and technology, as the advent of total war and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war.[9] World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.[9] Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with mass politics, technology and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.[115]//
布爾什維克革命造就一輪社會主義浪潮，墨索里尼覷準時機，修改綱領使其更能容納傳統價值，攫取討厭社會主義的中間偏右民眾，成員數目由 1000 暴增至25萬。
//Impact of the Bolshevik Revolution
The October Revolution of 1917, in which Bolshevik communists led by Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia, greatly influenced the development of fascism.[116] In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action, praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of Tsar Nicholas II.[117] After World War I, fascists commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas.[116]
Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks argue that there are various similarities between the two, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, had disdain for bourgeois values, and it is argued had totalitarian ambitions.[116] In practice, both have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, one-party states, and party-armies;[116] however, both draw clear distinctions from each other both in aims and tactics, with the Bolsheviks emphasizing the need for an organized participatory democracy (Soviet democracy) and an egalitarian, internationalist vision for society based on proletarian internationalism, while fascists emphasized hyper-nationalism and open hostility towards democracy, envisioning a hierarchical social structure as essential to their aims. With the antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The Fascists presented themselves as anti-communists and as especially opposed to the Marxists.[118]
In 1919, Mussolini consolidated control over the Fascist movement, known as Sansepolcrismo, with the founding of the Italian Fasces of Combat.[60]
Fascist Manifesto and Charter of Carnaro
In 1919, Alceste De Ambris and futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti created "The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat".[119] The Fascist Manifesto was presented on 6 June 1919 in the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia and supported the creation of universal suffrage, including women's suffrage (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded);[120] proportional representation on a regional basis; government representation through a corporatist system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, and communications, among others; and abolition of the Senate of the Kingdom of Italy.[121] The Fascist Manifesto supported the creation of an eight-hour work day for all workers, a minimum wage, worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong progressive tax on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of profits.[122] It also called for the fulfillment of expansionist aims in the Balkans and other parts of the Mediterranean,[123][page needed] the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, nationalization of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.[124]
The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele d'Annunzio and the founding of the Charter of Carnaro in 1920.[125] D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views.[126] Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.[127] This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and South Slavs was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs—especially Slovenes and Croats.
From populism to conservative accommodations
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Year" (Biennio Rosso).[128] Mussolini and the Fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.[129]
Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.[127] The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.[130] The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.[130]
Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda—abandoning its previous populism, republicanism and anticlericalism, adopting policies in support of free enterprise and accepting the Catholic Church and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.[131] To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce—limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. The Fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.[132]
Although Fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's rights—especially those with a reactionary point of view—the Fascists sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying: "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary."[133] The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.[134]
Prior to Fascism's accommodations to the political right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.[135] After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.[136] A 2020 article by Daron Acemoğlu, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo in the Center for Economic and Policy Research, exploring the link between the threat of socialism and Mussolini's rise to power, found "a strong association between the Red Scare in Italy and the subsequent local support for the Fascist Party in the early 1920s." According to the authors, it was local elites and large landowners who played an important role in boosting Fascist Party activity and support, which did not come from socialists' core supporters but from centre-right voters, as they viewed traditional centre-right parties as ineffective in stopping socialism and turned to the Fascists. In 2003, historian Adrian Lyttelton wrote: "The expansion of Fascism in the rural areas was stimulated and directed by the reaction of the farmers and landowners against the peasant leagues of both Socialists and Catholics."[141]//
向羅馬進軍，奪權上台，初期的「由亂入治」
//Fascist violence
Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures, to one of violent occupation of cities. The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.[142] The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano.[142] After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take Rome.[142]//
 |
| Benito Mussolini with three of the four quadrumvirs during the March on Rome (from left to right: unknown, de Bono, Mussolini, Balbo and de Vecchi) |
//On 24 October 1922, the Fascist party held its annual congress in Naples, where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.[142] The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.[143] King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.[144] Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as Prime Minister of Italy and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.[144] Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "March on Rome", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.[142]
Fascist Italy
Historian Stanley G. Payne says: "[Fascism in Italy was a] primarily political dictatorship. ... The Fascist Party itself had become almost completely bureaucratized and subservient to, not dominant over, the state itself. Big business, industry, and finance retained extensive autonomy, particularly in the early years. The armed forces also enjoyed considerable autonomy. ... The Fascist militia was placed under military control. ... The judicial system was left largely intact and relatively autonomous as well. The police continued to be directed by state officials and were not taken over by party leaders ... nor was a major new police elite created. ... There was never any question of bringing the Church under overall subservience. ... Sizable sectors of Italian cultural life retained extensive autonomy, and no major state propaganda-and-culture ministry existed. ... The Mussolini regime was neither especially sanguinary nor particularly repressive."[145]
Mussolini in power
Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.[146] Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued economically liberal policies under the direction of liberal finance minister Alberto De Stefani, a member of the Center Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.[146] Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited.[146]
The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the Acerbo Law, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.[147] Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists.[147] In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.[147] The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the Aventine Secession.[148] On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Mussolini proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.[148] From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.[149]//
( See also wiki on Acerbo Law
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acerbo_Law
//In 1922, Benito Mussolini became the prime minister of Italy as a result of the March on Rome. However, he still only had 35 deputies in Parliament and 10 Nationalist allies. He was in a weak position and relied on the coalition with other parties that could easily unravel and force King Victor Emmanuel III to dismiss him. The idea was to change the voting system from proportional representation to a system which would allow Mussolini to have a clear majority.
Terms of the law
The Acerbo Law stated that the party gaining the largest share of the votes – provided they had gained at least 25 percent of the votes – gained two-thirds of the seats in parliament. The remaining third was shared amongst the other parties proportionally.[1]
Reasoning
Mussolini could only count on the support of 35 Fascist deputies and 10 Nationalists. The law was passed on a majority vote. The obvious question is why a majority of deputies from other parties voted for the law knowing that one way or another Mussolini would gain the 25% required. The Socialists voted against it but made no effort to coordinate other parties to oppose it. The PPI or Popolari were divided and leaderless after Mussolini had engineered the dismissal of Luigi Sturzo. The official policy was to abstain but 14 deputies voted for the measure. The smaller Liberal parties generally voted in favour. They lacked clear direction and many believed Mussolini's talk of strong government or hoped to keep their positions. There is no doubt that the presence of armed squadristi in the Chamber intimidated many into voting for the measure.//)
睇睇「天能」，講緊邊個係呼之欲出……
//Tenets
Robert O. Paxton finds that even though fascism "maintained the existing regime of property and social hierarchy," it cannot be considered "simply a more muscular form of conservatism" because "fascism in power did carry out some changes profound enough to be called 'revolutionary.'"[206] These transformations "often set fascists into conflict with conservatives rooted in families, churches, social rank, and property." Paxton argues that "fascism redrew the frontiers between private and public, sharply diminishing what had once been untouchably private. It changed the practice of citizenship from the enjoyment of constitutional rights and duties to participation in mass ceremonies of affirmation and conformity. It reconfigured relations between the individual and the collectivity, so that an individual had no rights outside community interest. It expanded the powers of the executive—party and state—in a bid for total control. Finally, it unleashed aggressive emotions hitherto known in Europe only during war or social revolution."[206]
Nationalism with or without expansionism
Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism.[207] Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and Manichean view of history" which holds that "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers."[208] Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being palingenetic ultranationalism.[37]
The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.[209] Fascism seeks to solve economic, political and social problems by achieving a millenarian national rebirth, exalting the nation or race above all else and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.[210][page needed][211][page needed][212][page needed][213][2] European fascist movements typically espouse a racist conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans.[214] Beyond this, fascists in Europe have not held a unified set of racial views.[214] Historically, most fascists promoted imperialism, although there have been several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions.[214] For example, Nazism and Italian Fascism were expansionist and irredentist. Falangism in Spain envisioned the worldwide unification of Spanish-speaking peoples (Hispanidad). British Fascism was non-interventionist, though it did embrace the British Empire.//
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism
*****
//二者之間的主要差異在於:
納粹主義比較強調"國家的目的是為了達成那些根於其民族和種族的理念"，尤其是在社會工程的文化上，它強調"以犧牲其他所有種族來達成德國民族的繁榮"。
而相較之下墨索里尼的法西斯主義則認為"文化因素應該替國家服務，國家不需替某些特定的種族服務"。
法西斯主義的政府目標是為了"將國家的地位置於所有其他事物之上"，因此法西斯主義"可以說是一種強調政府中央集權至上的理論"。
而納粹強調的則是「民族」和「民族共同體」，納粹主義認為政府和政黨都只是用以達成某些特定人民的理想的工具，而法西斯主義則是明確地反社會主義的中央集權主義形式。
***********
主要不一樣的地方在於 "種族主義"
法西斯主義並沒有特別強調義大利人優於其他種族
但納粹主義處處強調日耳曼人種的優越性
並且據此聲明所有日耳曼人應該統一於一國
並且，同理，納粹主義還以此定義出各級落後民族
其中又以猶太人最為低下
這些法西斯主義是沒有的//
引自奇摩答問，來源連結已失效
https://tw.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20130623000015KK03499
***********
//人类自由的三大死敌——谈谈“共产运动、纳粹主义、政教合一”的共性
◇纳粹主义（Nazism）
“纳粹主义”来自于希特勒领导下的“纳粹党”。该党的全称是“国家社会主义德国工人党”。“纳粹主义”的核心是“极端的民族主义”，外围还包括了：“国家主义”、“优生学”、“反犹太”、“反共”等元素。
很多人把“纳粹主义”跟“法西斯主义”混淆了。以为这两者是一回事儿。其实不然。
从某种意义上，可以把“纳粹主义”看成是“法西斯主义”的一个分支（这是学术界常见的一种主张）。但其实两者有很大区别：纳粹主义更强调“民族”而
“法西斯主义”更强调“国家”。即使你非要把“纳粹主义”看成是“法西斯主义”的一个分支，你也应该明白——这是最危险的分支。
关于“纳粹主义”的更多介绍，可以参考维基百科的词条（在“
这里”）
举例：
希特勒建立的纳粹德国（又称“第三帝国”）是纳粹主义【仅有的一次】掌权实践。仅这一次，就导致二战（全球死亡超过5000万，甚至更高）。//
https://program-think.blogspot.com/2015/01/Communism-Nazism-Caesaropapism.html
