講呢啲

https://zh-yue.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%95%B2

啲di^1[1]，意思係「一點」或「一些」，方言詞，流行於粵語、客家話。例如「快啲」、「少啲」、「呢啲」。

香港人一般唔識得寫「啲」字，不時借用英文近音字母「D」/diː/代替，例如將「快啲」寫成「快D」。原因有幾多，有啲人認為「啲」係有音無字，而且因為香港曾經俾英國統治過，香港人嘅第二語言多數係英文，習慣中英夾雜寫文，亦比較少人學習點寫粵語字，亦有人貪方便，所以就借用英文近音字母「D」。

「啲」被誤傳為錯字

另外有人認為「啲」係香港人自創嘅新字，認為係錯字，正字或本字係「尐」，呢個講法係唔正確，首先「啲」早於明末清初已經出現^[2]，而且「啲」嘅讀音係di¹，但「尐」嘅讀音係zit³，尐嘅反切係「子列切」，反切上字取聲母（子->zi->z），下字取韻母（列->lit->it），切出嚟嘅音就係zit，讀音都唔啱，所以無可能係本字或正字。而且意思唔係相同，例如「多啲」（多一點），如果寫成「多尐」就會變成（多少），意思已經唔同咗。

另見︰ 

「尐」字之亂(增修版)

https://jonathanovsky.wordpress.com/2014/04/12/%E3%80%8C%E5%B0%90%E3%80%8D%E5%AD%97%E4%B9%8B%E4%BA%82/

連詞「及」、「以及」、「與及」的用法

http://stedu.stheadline.com/sec/sec_news.php?aid=556&cat=5&subcat=4

「及」本意是「由此及彼」，所以多用於書面語，一般限於連接並列名詞性成分，而所連接的兩個舉例項目有「前主後次」、「前重後輕」之分，前後兩項位置不能隨意顛倒。例如：「香港及其他地區」不能轉換成「其他地區及香港」。可是，「及」在港式中文裏表示「主次」的功能脫落，用法與「和」基本上一樣。

「以及」也是從文言文繼承下來的，所應用的範圍比「及」廣泛，不但可以連接名詞性、動詞性、介詞性詞組，還可以連接小句。「以及」不但同樣有表示主次關係的語義功能，也有「分類」和「概括」的功能。如「我平時喜歡去跑步、游泳、爬山、以及打各種球類活動。」中前三項表示具體的運動種類，最後籠統地概括說話人同時喜歡打各種球類活動。又如「國家運動代表隊選手有陳孝忠、李大志、王小虎，以及隨團物理治療師吳遠旭會一同出席開幕典禮。」，例句中先敍述同屬運動選手的陳孝忠、李大志、王小虎，然後用「以及」連接另一個類別，即物理治療師吳遠旭。在港式中文裏，「以及」的用法比較寬鬆，基本上可任意用來連接不同的語言單位（詞、詞組和小句），也失去了表示以上「主次」、「分類」和「概括」三種功能。

「與及」是港人自創的。其實二字不能夠連用，「與」所連接的兩項前後分量相當（地位平等），「及」所連接的兩項卻是分量有差別（有主次之分）。當要連接詞或詞組兩個語言單位時，要麼用「與」，要麼用「及」，絕不能合併使用「與及」。由此看來，「與及」是港式中文獨有的。

事實上，很多港人似乎只懂得盲目地使用「及」字來連接詞和句，而忽略了中文可用以下的各具特定功能的並列連接詞：
‧「與」來連接名詞和代名詞，如「我與你的遭遇很相似。」
‧「並」連接動詞，如「老師會了解並跟進有關投訴。」
‧「而」連接形容詞，如「這種化妝美而不俗，十分適合中年女士。」
‧「暨」文言色彩較重，常用於鄭重的場合，如「歡迎董事長暨夫人蒞臨。」
‧「跟」口語體，如「小陳跟阿文都是好學生。」

委內瑞拉，匯率亂，治安更亂 - 世界零距離 II 第五集

有老華僑說，如果在這裡超過二、三十年，未曾被人打劫，不算是華僑。
「奇葩國家」，加油時最幸福！排隊購買日用品最頭痛！

http://mytv.tvb.com/tc/cat_news/jbigbigworld2/219634

物資短缺
首都加拉加斯，機場免稅店內，只見化妝品及個人護理用品被掃光，剩下的選擇不多。
缺乏鋼筋水泥，建屋要分階段。
零件亦大小通缺，有汽車廠要停產個多月。電訊公司亦鬧「材料荒」，導遊去電話公司走了兩趟，兩週後才買到 SIM 咭，因電話公司缺了做 SIM 咭材料。

衣食住行樣樣缺
麥當勞要用木薯代替馬鈴薯來做薯條。
兩年多前已出現「厠紙荒」，鄰國特立尼達和多巴哥，曾提出用厠紙交換委內瑞拉的石油。
首都有雜貨店，日用品已缺貨一個月 (尿片、洗衣粉、牛奶、小孩食的，就是果醬之類，貨架空空如也)。
老闆表示自己家存貨都有限，如果囤貨在家，別人沒貨用，你會被罰，都是違法的。

要等、要排隊
商場、超市、街市都是人龍。

肉店同樣人多，每人每次限買兩隻雞，買雞蛋就排另一條隊。想同時買雞及雞蛋幾乎不可能，因每條隊都要排四小時，曬足四小時。
私營牛肉店還未來貨，已有不少人湧到，每人限購兩公斤牛肉。每公斤折合八港元。私營牛肉店沒有政府補貼，價錢較國營商店貴兩倍。

超市也有一樣，有來貨就有客來搶購，人龍比街市長。這期搶購粟米粉、粟米油。必需品全部限價、限購。一排幾小時，人龍排到地下停車場。
當局用身份證號碼分流，例如號碼尾數0、1，只能周一去超市排隊買限量貨 - 是排隊，不保證有。
超市又設指紋掃描器，購物要掃描指模，防止有人大量入單一貨品。搶手貨如紙尿片，要帶同孩子的出生證明書正本，三歲以下孩子的父母才有資格買，其他人不得代購。
超市安排孕婦和長者，排「特快通道」，其實是相對不用等那麼久的通道。

為何物資如此短缺？
委內瑞拉七成日用品靠進口，油價高企年代靠賣油大賺外匯，再從外國採購基本民生物資。但油價自去年暴跌，外匯儲備減少，無力進口日用品。本地工業、農業生產力又不高，製造商寧願不生產，因政府對必需品下「限價令」，沒錢賺，加上通脹飆升，賣貨收回的委內瑞拉幣貶值，越賣越虧。

反對派歸咎政府經濟政策失敗。當局批評缺貨是由於有商人囤積托價，加上有鄰國民眾，短道委內瑞拉有物價管制，日用品較便宜，跨境排隊，走私獲利 (編按…不是又指模識別，又睇出世紙麼？買兩隻雞都要四個鐘，跨境排隊黨點維皮？)

外匯
貨幣貶值得厲害，也加速通貨膨脹，因一有錢就花掉。眼見貨幣「玻利瓦爾」越來越不值錢，當局零八年發行新幣「強玻利瓦爾」，面額是將原幣值減了三個零，但油價拖累經濟，「強玻利瓦爾」強不起來，兌美元黑市價持續下跌。

委內瑞拉有外匯管制，美元只在黑市流通，遊客要在機場指定銀行換錢，1美元換到190委幣。我們四月來，當時黑市價是250委幣，到九月1美元兌680委幣。

委幣越貶越多，進口糧食、藥物的商家，獲准以官方價6.3委幣換1美元，確保國內必需品供應。由於匯價「差天共地」，有人利用官方價兌美元，再在黑市出售，大賺一筆。

匯率問題亦衍生「貨幣旅遊」，當局允許持離境機票的人，以優惠匯率換美金，方便外遊。由於匯價相差起碼三十倍，不少人搶訂機票但不離境，令原本爆滿的航班出現大量空位，真正需要出國的人反而買不到機票。

查韋斯治國
委內瑞拉的國營住宅，有濃厚的「查韋斯色彩」。在位十五年的查韋斯總統，前年逝世後，繼續與委內瑞拉「同在」。
纜車線連接山上貧民區和市區，是查韋斯下令興建的，每程折合港幣不用兩元，每天接送萬多人次。
還有「廉價地鐵」，無論乘搭多少個站，來回折合港幣大約八元。
地鐵是國營的，政府資助平民百姓，很久沒有加價。巴士是私營，但如加價要申請。
民眾還可享受低廉油價，全球最便宜︰每公升無鉛汽油大約港幣兩仙，在香港每公升要十五元。如果駕車環遊全委內瑞拉，油錢不會超過港幣三十元。

委內瑞拉石油儲量全球第一，查韋斯將石油業國有化，將汽油當成福利派。國營石油公司估算，汽油的生產成本，比零售價貴二十多倍，每年要補貼大約九百億港元。
基層視查韋斯為「救星」，反對派就批評他變相「買票」，亦有人不滿他獨裁，打壓言論自由。

查韋斯有多討厭美國？有人說查韋斯為了令委內瑞拉和美國處於不同時區，刻意將全國時間調慢半小時。他說過，多個拉丁美洲左翼領導人先後患癌，是美國情報機關下毒造成。
他最喜拉攏反美國家，如古巴、伊朗。
但委內瑞拉經濟依賴美國，靠對方買石油，加上煉油技術有限，要靠美國幫忙。

委內瑞拉萬歲！查韋斯萬歲！馬杜羅萬歲！
無論是口號次序，或在街頭的曝光率，現任總統馬杜羅通常排第二，「屈居」查韋斯之後。他曾任巴士司機，成為工會主席之後，加入查韋斯陣營。查韋斯上台後大力提拔他，由外交部長做到副總統。
查韋斯病逝，他前年代表執政黨參選總統，險勝反對派對手一個百分點。

馬杜羅繼承其親基層路線，但缺乏查韋斯的人氣和運氣，查韋斯年代油價高企，支撐政府龐大福利開支。馬杜羅上任後，油價急瀉，老本差不多秏盡，經濟危在旦夕。有中產人士質疑政府過分補貼基層，最明顯例子是油價。

通脹率逹七成，食品藥品嚴重缺貨，加深馬杜羅的管治危機。馬杜羅的聲望一度跌至兩成，他拉攏軍方鞏固政權，拘捕反對派領袖，又打「查韋斯牌」。他說過查韋斯就像他父親。日常大小發言，經常會提起查韋斯。

有反對派的傳媒表示，如果一個示威者向馬杜羅扔芒果就可以換一間屋，那群眾應向他丟菠蘿！

最悲慘國家
彭博 (Bloomberg) 通訊社今年公佈的的「全球悲慘指數」 - 計算世界五十一個經濟體的失業率、通脹

頭五位倒數，分別是︰
5. 希臘 - 「周身債」
4. 烏克蘭 - 衝突不斷
3. 南非 - 失業率高企
2. 阿根廷 - 經濟收縮
1. 委內瑞拉
委內瑞拉位列最悲慘國家，通脹飆升是關鍵。

反對派由去年起多次示威，觸發大規模衝突。
油價下跌，拖累委內瑞拉經濟大幅下滑，總統馬杜羅聲望「急插水」，有人形容整個國陷於「半天吊」狀態。

「我們生活在悲慘世界，因為治安問題，經常看到、聽到罪案發生，亦有親友被殺害。」
馬杜羅政府仍有死忠支持者，這位屋主一家六口以前住貧民區，剛獲政府分配單位，三房一廳，實用面積約八百呎。單位免租，電費和雜費自付。
屋主表示對政府有信心。「我們不需要儲備糧食，反對派欺騙人，委內瑞拉不會發生暴亂。政府一直支援民眾，我們生活很開心。」

有傳媒報導當局會推出一項 VIP 貴賓服務，只是執政黨支持者，打個電話訂貨，二十四小時內，日用品送上門，奉送旅遊抽奬券。報導指以後可能只有反對派人士，要繼續在街上排隊。

***
有移民委內瑞拉三十年的港人表示，國家問題一大堆，本地人性格樂天，甚少「想不開」。
「這裡自殺得少，反而被搶劫多，犯罪率高，供樓負擔不來而自殺很少。」

see also:
查維斯這個人 —— 感性篇 _ 龐一鳴 _ 主場新聞
http://curioushunter.blogspot.com/2014/10/blog-post_14.html

查維斯這個人 —— 感性篇 _ 龐一鳴 _ 主場新聞

龐一鳴

我想以行動告訴香港人，在政黨政治以外，還有其他可能性。我擁有現時香港政治生態欠缺的東西：由身體力行實踐，把自己融入一項行動。




2013-3-13 16:52:28

查維斯的喪禮在香港時間3月8日晚上11時舉行，我在家中，穿上在委內瑞拉遊歷時得到的Tee，向他鞠三個躬。

我知道整個大中華都把你的名字譯成「查韋斯」，但我堅持叫你做「查維斯」。因為你的姓是Chávez，重音在 “Chá”，“vez”讀低音。譯做「韋」就變高音了，「維」就最接近原音。

去年，你又再當選了。證明你做了總統雖然已經十四年，委內瑞拉人民還是繼續支持你，想見到你的理念全面實現。你曾說過要用十年時間把資源重新分配，再用十 年讓平民學懂當家作主，學懂運用權力。我們仍然等著你的帶領，讓委內瑞拉和整個拉丁美洲學懂不再受美國支配，不再甘於讓跨國企業搾取天然資源。查維斯，你 已經打了一場又一場勝仗，Commandante Presidente Hugo Chávez，非資本主義的道路如何走下去，我們仍然需要你的啟發。

這幾天，我不停在想，如果你不曾當總統，世界會怎樣不同？

沒有你，拉丁美洲仍然受國際貨幣基金會不平等的援助條約控制經濟，一切公共事業都會被私有化，民眾連暖氣費都付不起；
沒有你，玻利維亞不可能出現首為原住民總統，令原住民的聲音終於可以被聽見；
沒有你，厄瓜多爾又怎敢向美國說不，踢走多年來的美國軍事基地？
沒有你，拉丁美洲五百年來被切開的血管只會繼續淌血，仍未有痊癒的可能。

冷戰結束後，美式資本主義彷彿是人類社會唯一可行的經濟模式。你不信這一套，同時亦無意跟隨古巴的道路。你帶領委內瑞拉，舖出非獨裁的社會主義天梯，好像 那個動人的愛情故事，讓你深愛的貧民百姓能夠在參與式民主的梯級中，一步一步建立人人平等，人人共享國家資源，人人都有好日子過的社會。

查維斯，其實我是什麼時候認識你？

09年加入Facebook，Profile有一欄要填寫“Political Views”。我沒有看選擇，直接打了 “I like Chávez”。

08年奧巴馬當選總統。你送他《拉丁美洲被切開的血管》。這本記載拉美人血淚史的經典，讀的時候每字每句都聽到血泊聲，當中當然包括美國幹的好事。我在電視看到奧巴馬收到書後立時看看封面。這份禮物送到美國總統手中，實在為拉美人出一口氣，我也開心了一整天。

其實，早於06年，你駡小布殊是魔鬼時......對呀，我當時已經認識你了！ 你七情上面說魔鬼昨天來過，然後稍為停一停，再說到你站上台時仍然嗅到硫磺味。全世界都在報導你辱罵這個好戰的魔頭，這次你為全世界出了一口氣。

原來，認識你已經最少七年了。自認識你後，就決定有一天要去委內瑞拉，親身看看你領導的二十一世紀社會主義革命。終於2009年開展了南美之旅。由阿根廷開始，每個國家逐一考察，來到委內瑞拉的時候，是2010年3月。

第一位接待我的當地人住在Mérida。一位專業人士，有不少家人住在美國，對你和你的革命沒有好感。不過她對我很好，知道我在香港有做劇場的工作，就介紹我認識當地大學的戲劇系教授。見面後，他們還想我留下向學生分享在香港教育劇場的經驗。

後來，我來去了Tovar。你沒有看錯，我真的去了沒有旅遊點的小鎮Tovar。在人口一千人左右的小社區San Francisco，一位老師Ezequiel接待我留宿於他的公屋單位中！我非常興奮，因為可以住在公屋中，親身體驗你為貧富大眾訂下的房屋政策和實踐 成效。我相信你一定來過Tovar，因為你每個星期日都會去委國不同的大城小鎮做現場電視直播節目《總統，你好》，讓民眾親身聽你的治國理念，又可以直接 向你面對面發問。節目時不時做幾個小時，不見你上廁所，不見你吃東西，全程投入和民眾交流。

我在Tovar時看到其中一次直播，你去到一個近海的城市，和當地的漁民討論如何增加收入，政府可以如何幫忙推動更多海產罐頭到外國。我看到漁民和當地官 員跟你對談，心中感動也感慨萬分：我們的特首我們的政府呢？有這樣走到香港十八區和市民交流和接受我們對質？就這樣一整個下午坐在電視 前，Ezequiel笑我是全委內瑞拉最專心的總統聽眾，我笑著回答，可能這是人生唯一一次有機會看這個直播節目，所以就用盡一生人的專注力去看吧。有時 候聽不明白，就向Ezequiel請教。

不如我先讓香港的朋友看看委內瑞拉的公屋。

(委國公屋的客廳。)

(委國公屋的廚房。)

(接待我的Ezequiel，還照顧我每天早午晚三餐。)

雖說是免費或廉租，但居住環境一點都不賴。接待我的Ezequiel和養子就住在一間三房的公屋!還有客廳、小飯廳、廚房廁所。留宿五天，我有自己的房屋 呢！委國的公屋政策很有心思。首數年，租戶不用交租，然後開始每月交小量租金，接著每年增加，到某水平就固定下來。你的想法就是希望貧窮人在頭幾年得到租 金寬免後，可以儲蓄到一些錢，改善生活，然後再一步一步承擔租金的開支。

這幾天的日間，我就在門前的空地和孩子們玩耍。他們都很歡迎我這位不速之客。我借出樂器任他們亂彈，教他們花式跳繩和他們踢球，接受他們的訪問，很快就消磨一個又一個的下午。其中一位孩子的爸爸更對我半開玩笑半認真說，我應該留在這裡開班教樂器和跳繩！

(San Francisco社區，和孩子玩耍。)

晚上，學校會成為社區大學，讓社區人士在自己的家附近上課，完成大學課程。另外，由6:30-8:30，電腦設施亦會免費開放，讓大眾使用。我每晚也在這 時候來用電腦。這是社區人士和外界及全世界接觸的機會，亦有不少成年晚間兼讀的大學生在做功課。在你眼中，教育是人權，所以任何人，就算是社區裡的媽媽， 也應該享有資助讀大學的機會。因此，無數委內瑞拉人，以前發夢也沒想過，竟然可以讀大學，還要在自己的社區裡。

Ezequiel分享了一個例子。一位媽媽晚間在社區內的大學修讀課程，但由於要同時工作，實在沒有時間照顧子女，只好退學。教育當局知道後，主動問她是 否想繼續進修，媽媽說當然想，但不想犧牲子女。當局主動研究她的個案，最後提出向她發放每月2/3的最低工資金額，讓她可以不用工作，完成學業和照顧家 庭，三全其美。

(社區電腦室和課室。)

感激你執政的Ezequiel是位心理學博士，也是政府資助完成學位的。社區的人都以Profe稱呼(西文老師叫 Profesor)。在五天內，我看到不同的街坊來探訪Profe，有的聊天，有的有生活上的需要前來請教。其中一位媽媽，她的兒子有學習障礙，媽媽專程 來找Profe問他如何可以在家中幫助兒子，令他有所進步。Ezequiel即時提供了一些方法，我看到媽媽露出微笑，看來她感到Profe的方法有用。
在Tovar小鎮的San Francisco小社區，我親眼見證委國的平民，如何因為你的房屋和教育政策徹底改變了生命。

我沒有張翠容的福氣，面對面訪問你。不緊要，從你革命的成果，我還是可以認識到你。我去了國營超市Mercal，一處你用智仁勇建立的地方，對我來說，它比伊瓜蘇瀑布更偉大，比馬丘比丘更具靈氣。

你一心想幫助窮人，所以想辦國營超市。但你又知道大財團一定設法阻止。最後，你想到兩存其美的方法。在國營超市只售賣必須品，而且每種貨品只有一款，全超 市加上來都不到一百種貨品；不過，貧窮人可以在這裡用平市面兩三成的價錢，買到所有糧食的必須品，生活即時得到大幅改善。食物平了，每天可以吃多一點，營 養多些，身體好些，說不定還儲蓄到一些錢，可以用在生活其他方面。在Mercal，貨品不以賺到盡的資本主義形式出售，而是以合理的價錢來讓貧困的人也可 以負擔得起，解決日常生活最基本的需要。

而大財團又沒有口實去投訴你。因為國營超市的貨品實在太少了，放在正常超市一行貨架上還有大量空位，大財團沒法投訴你與民爭利。結果每一個城市，每一個小 鎮，每一個小社區都有國營超市開張扶貧。喜愛棒球的你，讓我用棒球術語贊許你：你實在打出漂亮的全壘打，令大財團三振出局！

(在小鎮的國營超市。)

記得當時我主動走近，和國營超市的經理傾了一會兒，他告訴我:

呀…對,每一個鎮都有Mercal…全部都是屬於政府的。…比市面其他超市的貨品最少平兩成…我們只賣基本的食物，油鹽糖、意粉、米、乳酪、罐頭之類。人 人都可以來買東西，不一定是窮人，不過在小鎮人人都認識你…試過有個有錢人揸車來，買了很多雞，攪到排隊尾D人買唔到…個個不知幾嬲…。如果你其他時間 嚟，至少排一個鐘…你見啦,我哋地方唔多，每次只可以放十個八個人入嚟買嘢，一個走，一個入…

如果有人提議我們賣一些新貨品，我哋都會考慮…不過只賣食品，基本食品…。我覺得各取所需啦…我哋賣嘅貨,嚟嚟去去都唔超過幾十種…正常超市一個貨架都唔只啦…唔會影響佢哋做生意嘅同時，可以幫到D最窮嘅人…係咪先……有機會，去大城市嘅Mercal，會多D貨賣！

經理和其他員工很友善回答我的問題，還帶我看他們落貨的情況。

我在你的國家珍藏的手信是什麼？相信連你也一定估唔到。就是國營超市的膠袋。每次當我見到小市民被欺負，大財團的貪婪得逞，我就會拿出這個膠袋激勵自己。提醒我在世界上還有地方，大財團唔係大哂，正義力量仍然堅挺。你的革命，每天在為我打氣。

(國營超市Mercal的購物袋。)

從你身上，我學懂了要有人站出來反抗強權，同時還要連結他人，團體一起行動。所以回到香港，我開始了卑微的「唔幫襯地產商」反抗行動。

而因為你，拉美人民也一步一步團結起來，每一次的行動也叫全世界驚艷。先是拒絕「華盛頓共識」，不甘於卑躬屈膝，為了經濟援助而接受私有化公共事業的指令，犧牲自己國家的小市民。因為你，南方銀行成立了。不用乞求美國的資金，拉美人自己人幫自己人，提供借貸。因為你，南方電視台成真了。整個拉美能夠分享 一個屬於人民的電視台，讓全世界聽聽拉美人民的聲音，不是權貴的意願，不是美國的意志。還有，因為你，33個拉美和加勒比海國家走在一起，去年成立了 CELAC(拉美與加勒比海共同體)。從此一起團結合作，抗衡美國的霸權。

美國人介紹自己時，說自己是American非常普遍。未認識你之前，我和大部份人一樣，聽不出當中的自大霸道。認識你之後，當我再聽到這樣的介紹時，我必定反問：Are you North American or South American? (你是北美抑或是南美人？) 沒有你，以上的一切都不可能發生。拉丁美洲因為你，充滿可能。這一次，連醫術高明的古巴醫生也救不到你，我就無話可說了。相信是你尊敬的玻利華（Bolívar）、耶穌、哲古華拉等前輩，嚷著要和你見面，你就非去不可了。

下一次來委內瑞拉，一定親身拜祭你。希望到時香港有不用預選的真正普選，好像委內瑞拉過去十四年一樣。

see also:
委內瑞拉，匯率亂，治安更亂 - 世界零距離 II 第五集
http://curioushunter.blogspot.com/2015/10/ii.html

咬舌自盡的真相

即便是舌背動脈受損出血，也不是全然沒救。曾有一名女性患者用剪刀剪去了自己的部分舌頭，一側舌背動脈出血。半小時後醫生為其進行了止血並斷舌再植，結果再植後的舌功能恢復良好，痛觸味覺均完全恢復。可見，咬舌出血不但不會立即死去，反倒還有相對充分的搶救時間。

舌擁有豐富的神經末梢，咬舌必然會帶來劇烈痛苦。強烈的疼痛常常會使得人體的神經系統做出反應，造成疼痛性暈厥。我相信，影視劇中表現的咬舌後倒地多為暈厥所致。暈厥時人的意識喪失，斷舌後舌根後墜地及出血在暈厥時極有可能阻塞氣道引起窒息，而窒息若不及時搶救則會在短時間內造成死亡。換句話說，咬舌若真能自盡，死亡原因也不會是咬舌本身所致，而是暈倒後氣道梗阻憋死或嗆死的，死亡過程也不會是一瞬間的事情。

很多時候，咬舌自盡的行為更像是一種決心的宣示。至於為什麼民間會有咬舌自盡當場斃命的說法，我猜大概與武俠小說的廣泛流行有關，當真則大可不必。廣東曾有一男青年因情感問題將熱戀中的女友舌頭咬去一半，並將斷舌拋棄。三小時後患者找回斷舌並就醫，經過一番折騰，醫生還是將斷舌再植成功，康復後女青年的發音和吃飯均未受到影響。

http://pansci.tw/archives/53554

犬儒的盡頭：悼李天命，或逝去的九十年代

引自 http://mindtologos.blogspot.hk/2015/10/blog-post.html

現實政治衝突當前    不發一刀

彷彿無事不可破的李天命「語理分析」，畢竟有不敢觸碰的禁區。驟眼看上去，他批評的對象五花八門，除了廣為人知的基督徒，佛教徒跑不掉，後現代主義愛好者跑不掉，唸社會科學做量化研究的也跑不掉，統統都是他「語理分析」開刀的範圍（開刀開得對不對，不在本文討論之列）。但我們可以再留意一下他成名作《李天命的思考藝術》的成書年份。1991年，六四屠城餘波未了，「是否抨擊中共」是那個時代香港人良心指標的最底線——儘管也不算甚麼，梁振英也曾經登報「強烈譴責中共當權者血腥屠殺中國人民」——夏紹聲寫歌會寫〈媽媽我沒有做錯〉，黃霑出碟唱政治聖誕歌會唱「慈祥鵬過聖誕」，連王晶拍《整蠱專家》也不忘來一句「袁木好誠實，李鵬係我哋最偉大嘅領袖」。那是一個年代的風潮，充塞當年流行文化每個角落，作為流行文化一員的李天命著作在這方面卻顯得相當謹慎。縱觀《李天命的思考藝術》，書中諷刺「偉大領袖」時不具其名，諷刺文革大躍進時轉彎抹角以虛擬故事取代具體事件，諷刺階級鬥爭時不引馬克思原文只是模擬幾句黨八股口吻，惟有諷刺辯證法時才真的引用了一句毛澤東選集。即不論刻意與真實人物和事件保持距離的滑頭，就算真的直截了當開名譏誚，以今天的眼光看來也完全沒有看頭，遑論尖銳。否定文革？對毛澤東有保留？這種對白連《環球時報》也懂說，階級鬥爭之類的也早被鄧小平一句「讓一部分人先富起來」按下不表。這些對中共的諷刺，過期過過期春藥，裹上一層匿名保護罩之後更是隔靴搔癢。選擇使用這種寫作策略出於甚麼動機，我們不知道，也不猜測，但李天命筆下與現實世界的政治衝突保持相當距離，倒是不難察覺。

九十年代的現實世界政治衝突當然不會只在大陸發生，香港也是此起彼落。不少今日習以為常乃至習非成是的語言偽術，都在九十年代生根。例如「公屋富戶」。「富戶」有多「富」？「富」是指有幾百萬未開頭？「富」是指被踢出公屋也買得起私樓？為甚麼入息比房委會訂的標準高出一毛錢就叫「富」，而這個標準從1988年到1992年竟被搬了足足四次龍門，前後差距610%？如果說「富戶」住在公屋單位就是不道德，九十年代政府密鑼緊鼓要將公屋賣斷給「富戶」甚或比「富戶」更「富」的人，又是甚麼道德？

再一個例子。1998年，社會福利署署長梁建邦發表名言「綜援養懶人」，為其後狠削綜援11.1%綜援開了路。到底甚麼才算「懶」？留在家裡洗衫煮飯餵奶換片兼廿四小時候命比較「懶」，還是在office吹冷氣拿份人工再請個菲傭在家裡洗衫煮飯餵奶換片兼廿四小時候命比較「懶」？富太出入ball場不打工「釋放婦女勞動力」貢獻經濟又算不算「懶」？假如拿公帑的市民才要衡功量值被審判為「懶」或「不懶」，走堂走到爛grade的大學生、欠交功課的中小學生又算不算「懶」，必須為他們浪費的教育資助付出代價？又或者，應否按市民對政績滿意程度釐訂高官薪酬，做得差就扣人工以有效運用公帑，實現真正「高官問責制」，杜絕坐糜廩粟而不知恥的「懶人」？

又一個例子。1997年臨立會通過復辟《公安條例》裡部份條文，包括遊行集會前必須得到警方發出名為「不反對通知書」的許可，遺禍至今。事件擾攘數年不果，2000年學聯上街反對公安惡法，先遭警察以胡椒噴霧襲擊（那年頭，警察餵學生「食椒」還是會引起閧動的），再被時任保安局局長的葉劉淑儀當成暴徒斥責。好了，甚麼叫「暴力」？沒有武器亦不被允許持有武器的學生「暴力」，抑或全副武裝且被允許全副武裝更已經使用了這些武裝的警察「暴力」？如果社會上有些人被允許動武強制其他人而不算暴徒，是不是某些「暴力」就不是「暴力」？

諸般語言偽術舖天蓋地，原則上大有揮舞「語理分析」刀光劍影一番的空間，但到頭來幾乎甚麼都沒有。風靡整個九十年代的李天命熱，並未使香港人對現實世界的政治衝突變得敏銳，踴躍拆穿權貴的騙術。倒不如說，支撐著消費「語理分析」的群眾心理，對切身的政治已經麻木，也不準備有所承擔。1996年，陳百祥主持的「運財智叻星」讓遊戲節目在無線電視鹹魚翻生，連續十五個星期雄踞收視冠軍，這種狂歡是笑；追看李天命模仿幾招「語理分析」嘲笑世人，也是笑。笑可忘憂。你灌你的孖蒸我飲我的紅酒，縱有品味貴賤之分，始終還是酒精，一醉解千愁。

職是之故，不是選擇用刀揮向老弱傷殘抑或土豪惡霸的問題，而是那種刀在那個時代得以大量生產滿足大批顧客，只因顧客十居其九都無心力敵土豪惡霸。

關於法西斯主義與納粹主義

//法西斯主義的創始人確實是二十年代的意大利首相墨索里尼，但法西斯主義因為當時的環境隨後向德國和歐洲其他國家蔓延，所以又可以分為意大利法西斯主義、 德國法西斯主義、日本法西斯主義(又叫日本軍國主義)。而其中德國法西斯主義，德文縮寫是Nazismus，故音譯為“納粹主義”。

至於版主課本寫“經濟大恐慌後德國法西斯主義興起”， 比較完整的說法應該是當年的經濟大恐慌，使得墨索里尼的法西斯主義分別在意大利、 德國與日本興起。由於經濟大恐慌發生時，市場是屬於資本主義自由經濟、自由競爭的，發生大恐慌後，人民開始意識到資本主義的不合理，開始對資本主義的失望，資本主義的價值也開始動搖 。

當民主的政府無法解決經濟大恐慌的困境，人民便開始漸漸走向獨裁主義與軍國主義，期盼興起的主義思想能夠更有效率的解決問題，恢復本有的生活品質，因而使得獨裁者崛起（如希特勒、墨索里尼），德、義、日三國逐漸趨向軍國獨裁的制度，以獨裁的方式來治理國家， 這也間接成為爆發第二次世界大戰的根源。

雖然都叫法西斯主義，但領導者與個別國家有不同的實踐方式，因而有所差異:

首先就相同的部分而言，墨索里尼的法西斯主義和希特勒的納粹主義都強調一黨專政，並不容忍其他政黨存在，國內一切的政治、經濟、社會和人民生活均由法西斯黨和納粹黨控制。

他們同樣反共產主義、反民主政治。他們都認為共產主義是國家最大的敵人，因為共產主義主張階級鬥爭，同時亦覺得民主思想過分強調個人自由和權利，有礙國家團結。

而希特勒有種族優越論和泛日耳曼主義的主張，都是有關種族問題，而墨索里尼則沒有去主張任何關於種族的歧視 ，這是他們在政治理念上最大的差異。//

引自奇摩答問，來源連結已失效
https://tw.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20130623000015KK03499

*****

如果講源起或主義，墨索里尼不是創始。但他打正旗號用 fascism 這字，而且也付諸實踐。
有時也想嘲笑那些說「共產黨也有好處」，可以回答他們一句「那麼法西斯主義同樣也有好的」
//The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action.//

//Background and 19th-century roots

Georges Valois, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party Faisceau,[74] claimed the roots of fascism stemmed from the late 18th century Jacobin movement, seeing in its totalitarian nature a foreshadowing of the fascist state.[75] Historian George Mosse similarly analyzed fascism as an inheritor of the mass ideology and civil religion of the French Revolution, as well as a result of the brutalization of societies in 1914–1918.[75]

Historians such as Irene Collins and Howard C Payne see Napoleon III, who ran a 'police state' and suppressed the media, as a forerunner of fascism.[76] According to David Thomson,[77] the Italian Risorgimento of 1871 led to the 'nemesis of fascism'. William L Shirer[78] sees a continuity from the views of Fichte and Hegel, through Bismarck, to Hitler; Robert Gerwarth speaks of a 'direct line' from Bismarck to Hitler.[79] Julian Dierkes sees fascism as a 'particularly violent form of imperialism'.[80]//

//Fin de siècle era and fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914)

The historian Zeev Sternhell has traced the ideological roots of fascism back to the 1880s and in particular to the fin de siècle theme of that time.[81] The theme was based on a revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society, and democracy.[82] The fin-de-siècle generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism and vitalism.[83] They regarded civilization as being in crisis, requiring a massive and total solution.[82] Their intellectual school considered the individual as only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as a numerical sum of atomized individuals.[82] They condemned the rationalistic, liberal individualism of society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society.[82]

The fin-de-siècle outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including Darwinian biology, Gesamtkunstwerk, Arthur de Gobineau's racialism, Gustave Le Bon's psychology, and the philosophies of Friedrich Nietzsche, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, and Henri Bergson.[84] Social Darwinism, which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as being an unceasing struggle to achieve the survival of the fittest.[84] It challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment.[84] Its emphasis on biogroup identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered the legitimacy and appeal of nationalism.[85] New theories of social and political psychology also rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason.[84] Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead" coincided with his attack on the "herd mentality" of Christianity, democracy, and modern collectivism, his concept of the Übermensch, and his advocacy of the will to power as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the fin-de-siècle generation.[86] Bergson's claim of the existence of an élan vital, or vital instinct, centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; this challenged Marxism.[87]

In his work The Ruling Class (1896), Gaetano Mosca developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" would dominate and rule over an "disorganized majority",[88] stating that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority).[89] He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority.[89]//

(See also wiki article on Fin de siècle （世紀末）https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fin_de_si%C3%A8cle

//Fin de siècle (French: [fɛ̃ də sjɛkl]) is a French term meaning "end of century", a term which typically encompasses both the meaning of the similar English idiom turn of the century and also makes reference to the closing of one era and onset of another. Without context, the term is typically used to refer to the end of the 19th century. This period was widely thought to be a period of social degeneracy, but at the same time a period of hope for a new beginning.[1] The "spirit" of fin de siècle often refers to the cultural hallmarks that were recognized as prominent in the 1880s and 1890s, including ennui, cynicism, pessimism, and "a widespread belief that civilization leads to decadence".[2][3]

The term fin de siècle is commonly applied to French art and artists, as the traits of the culture first appeared there, but the movement affected many European countries.[4][5] The term becomes applicable to the sentiments and traits associated with the culture, as opposed to focusing solely on the movement's initial recognition in France. The ideas and concerns developed by fin de siècle artists provided the impetus for movements such as symbolism and modernism.[6]

The themes of fin de siècle political culture were very controversial and have been cited as a major influence on fascism[7][8] and as a generator of the science of geopolitics, including the theory of Lebensraum.[9] Professor of Historical Geography at the University of Nottingham, Michael Heffernan, and Mackubin Thomas Owens wrote about the origins of geopolitics:

"The idea that this project required a new name in 1899 reflected a widespread belief that the changes taking place in the global economic and political system were seismically important."

The "new world of the Twentieth century would need to be understood in its entirety, as an integrated global whole". Technology and global communication made the world "smaller" and turned it into a single system; the time was characterized by pan-ideas and a utopian "one-worldism", proceeding further than pan-ideas.[10][11]

"What we now think of geopolitics had its origins in fin de siècle Europe in response to technological change ... and the creation of a "closed political system" as European imperialist competition extinguished the world's "frontiers".[12]"

The major political theme of the era was that of revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society, and liberal democracy.[7] The fin-de-siècle generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism, and vitalism,[8] while the mindset of the age saw civilization as being in a crisis that required a massive and total solution.[7]//

//「世紀末」的政治文化非常具有爭議，對於法西斯主義產生重大影響[4][5]。這個時代許多政治主張反抗唯物主義、理性主義、實證主義、資產階級社會和自由主義民主[5]。//

https://zh.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E4%B8%96%E7%B4%80%E6%9C%AB )

//French nationalist and reactionary monarchist Charles Maurras influenced fascism.[90] Maurras promoted what he called integral nationalism, which called for the organic unity of a nation, and insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject.[90] He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people.[90] Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism.[90]//

(See also wiki article on Charles Maurras

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Maurras

//In 1899, Maurras founded the review Action Française (AF), an offshoot of the newspaper created by Maurice Pujo and Henri Vaugeois the year preceding.[9] Maurras quickly became influential in the movement, and converted Pujo and Vaugeois to monarchism, which became the movement's principal cause. With Léon Daudet, he edited the movement's review, La Revue de l'Action Française, which during 1908 became a daily newspaper with the shorter title L'Action Française. The AF mixed integral nationalism with reactionary themes, shifting the nationalist ideology, previously supported by left-wing Republicans, to the political right.[13] It had a wide readership during the implementation of the 1905 law on the separation of Church and State. In 1899 he wrote a short notice in favour of monarchy, "Dictateur et roi" ("Dictator and King"), and then in 1900 his "Enquête sur la monarchie" (Investigations on Monarchy), published in the Legitimist mouthpiece La Gazette de France, which made him famous. Maurras also published thirteen articles in the newspaper Le Figaro during 1901 and 1902, as well as six articles between November 1902 and January 1903 in Edouard Drumont's anti-Semitic newspaper, La Libre Parole.[11]//)

君主制的法西斯，這不就是天皇轄下的日本軍國主義？

袁世凱1915年謀劃改國體為君主立憲，就算他有諮詢外國顧問，他們給出的很時髦建議，可能仍是這種君主制法西斯。

//Fascist syndicalism

French revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel promoted the legitimacy of political violence in his work Reflections on Violence (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a general strike.[91] In Reflections on Violence, Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary political religion.[92] Also in his work The Illusions of Progress, Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, saying "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy."[93] By 1909, after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views—advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries.[94] Initially, Sorel had officially been a revisionist of Marxism, but by 1910 announced his abandonment of socialist literature and claimed in 1914, using an aphorism of Benedetto Croce that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism".[95] Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909 that influenced his works.[95] Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with Sorelian syndicalism, known as Sorelianism, as a means to confront democracy.[96] Maurras stated that "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand."[97]//
這裡其實最重點是反對由理性主義、實證主義帶下來引致的資本主義、資產階級社會和自由主義民主，所以是建立「政治宗教」 (political religion). 那麼這載體是先鋒黨、愛國天主教，定還是君主制度都不重要。

重點係「浪子回頭金不換」 😂

//The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist Enrico Corradini.[98] Corradini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight.[98] Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "plutocratic" French and British.[99] Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism".[99]

The ANI held ties and influence among conservatives, Catholics, and the business community.[100] Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism, internationalism, and pacifism, and the promotion of heroism, vitalism, and violence.[101] The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism. They believed that humans are naturally predatory, and that nations are in a constant struggle in which only the strongest would survive.[102]//

認為國際政治就是弱肉強食

Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Italian modernist author of the Futurist Manifesto (1909) and later the co-author of the Fascist Manifesto (1919)

未來主義宣言

//Futurism was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti who founded the Manifesto of Futurism (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected conventional democracy based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to numbers, to quantity, to the mass, for with us number, quantity and mass will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive."[103]

Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization.[104] Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men saying that, in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books. He advocated segregation of the genders because womanly sensibility must not enter men's education, which he claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic."[105]//

一次世界大戰令成立法西斯國家的客觀基礎更為完備。

//World War I and its aftermath (1914–1929)

At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) opposed the war but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism.[106] Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist fascio called the Revolutionary Fasces of International Action in October 1914.[106] Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper Avanti! for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate fascio.[107] The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action.[108]

The first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915[109] when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems—including national borders—of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended."[109] Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and the organization was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.[110]

Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist Johann Plenge spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution).[111] According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789"—such as the rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism—were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law and order.[111] Plenge believed that racial solidarity (Volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.[111] He believed that the Spirit of 1914 manifested itself in the concept of the People's League of National Socialism.[112] This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.[112] This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.[112][113][page needed] Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state.[114]

Impact of World War I

Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state and technology, as the advent of total war and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war.[9] World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.[9] Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with mass politics, technology and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.[115]//

布爾什維克革命造就一輪社會主義浪潮，墨索里尼覷準時機，修改綱領使其更能容納傳統價值，攫取討厭社會主義的中間偏右民眾，成員數目由 1000 暴增至25萬。

//Impact of the Bolshevik Revolution

The October Revolution of 1917, in which Bolshevik communists led by Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia, greatly influenced the development of fascism.[116] In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action, praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of Tsar Nicholas II.[117] After World War I, fascists commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas.[116]

Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks argue that there are various similarities between the two, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, had disdain for bourgeois values, and it is argued had totalitarian ambitions.[116] In practice, both have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, one-party states, and party-armies;[116] however, both draw clear distinctions from each other both in aims and tactics, with the Bolsheviks emphasizing the need for an organized participatory democracy (Soviet democracy) and an egalitarian, internationalist vision for society based on proletarian internationalism, while fascists emphasized hyper-nationalism and open hostility towards democracy, envisioning a hierarchical social structure as essential to their aims. With the antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The Fascists presented themselves as anti-communists and as especially opposed to the Marxists.[118]

In 1919, Mussolini consolidated control over the Fascist movement, known as Sansepolcrismo, with the founding of the Italian Fasces of Combat.[60]

Fascist Manifesto and Charter of Carnaro

In 1919, Alceste De Ambris and futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti created "The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat".[119] The Fascist Manifesto was presented on 6 June 1919 in the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia and supported the creation of universal suffrage, including women's suffrage (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded);[120] proportional representation on a regional basis; government representation through a corporatist system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, and communications, among others; and abolition of the Senate of the Kingdom of Italy.[121] The Fascist Manifesto supported the creation of an eight-hour work day for all workers, a minimum wage, worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong progressive tax on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of profits.[122] It also called for the fulfillment of expansionist aims in the Balkans and other parts of the Mediterranean,[123][page needed] the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, nationalization of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.[124]

The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele d'Annunzio and the founding of the Charter of Carnaro in 1920.[125] D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views.[126] Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.[127] This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and South Slavs was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs—especially Slovenes and Croats.

From populism to conservative accommodations

In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Year" (Biennio Rosso).[128] Mussolini and the Fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.[129]

Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.[127] The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.[130] The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.[130]

Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda—abandoning its previous populism, republicanism and anticlericalism, adopting policies in support of free enterprise and accepting the Catholic Church and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.[131] To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce—limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. The Fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.[132]

Although Fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's rights—especially those with a reactionary point of view—the Fascists sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying: "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary."[133] The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.[134]

Prior to Fascism's accommodations to the political right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.[135] After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.[136] A 2020 article by Daron Acemoğlu, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo in the Center for Economic and Policy Research, exploring the link between the threat of socialism and Mussolini's rise to power, found "a strong association between the Red Scare in Italy and the subsequent local support for the Fascist Party in the early 1920s." According to the authors, it was local elites and large landowners who played an important role in boosting Fascist Party activity and support, which did not come from socialists' core supporters but from centre-right voters, as they viewed traditional centre-right parties as ineffective in stopping socialism and turned to the Fascists. In 2003, historian Adrian Lyttelton wrote: "The expansion of Fascism in the rural areas was stimulated and directed by the reaction of the farmers and landowners against the peasant leagues of both Socialists and Catholics."[141]//

向羅馬進軍，奪權上台，初期的「由亂入治」

//Fascist violence

Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures, to one of violent occupation of cities. The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.[142] The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano.[142] After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take Rome.[142]//

Benito Mussolini with three of the four quadrumvirs during the March on Rome (from left to right: unknown, de Bono, Mussolini, Balbo and de Vecchi)

//On 24 October 1922, the Fascist party held its annual congress in Naples, where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.[142] The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.[143] King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.[144] Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as Prime Minister of Italy and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.[144] Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "March on Rome", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.[142]

Fascist Italy

Historian Stanley G. Payne says: "[Fascism in Italy was a] primarily political dictatorship. ... The Fascist Party itself had become almost completely bureaucratized and subservient to, not dominant over, the state itself. Big business, industry, and finance retained extensive autonomy, particularly in the early years. The armed forces also enjoyed considerable autonomy. ... The Fascist militia was placed under military control. ... The judicial system was left largely intact and relatively autonomous as well. The police continued to be directed by state officials and were not taken over by party leaders ... nor was a major new police elite created. ... There was never any question of bringing the Church under overall subservience. ... Sizable sectors of Italian cultural life retained extensive autonomy, and no major state propaganda-and-culture ministry existed. ... The Mussolini regime was neither especially sanguinary nor particularly repressive."[145]

Mussolini in power

Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.[146] Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued economically liberal policies under the direction of liberal finance minister Alberto De Stefani, a member of the Center Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.[146] Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited.[146]

The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the Acerbo Law, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.[147] Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists.[147] In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.[147] The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the Aventine Secession.[148] On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Mussolini proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.[148] From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.[149]//

( See also wiki on Acerbo Law

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acerbo_Law

//In 1922, Benito Mussolini became the prime minister of Italy as a result of the March on Rome. However, he still only had 35 deputies in Parliament and 10 Nationalist allies. He was in a weak position and relied on the coalition with other parties that could easily unravel and force King Victor Emmanuel III to dismiss him. The idea was to change the voting system from proportional representation to a system which would allow Mussolini to have a clear majority.

Terms of the law

The Acerbo Law stated that the party gaining the largest share of the votes – provided they had gained at least 25 percent of the votes – gained two-thirds of the seats in parliament. The remaining third was shared amongst the other parties proportionally.[1]

Reasoning

Mussolini could only count on the support of 35 Fascist deputies and 10 Nationalists. The law was passed on a majority vote. The obvious question is why a majority of deputies from other parties voted for the law knowing that one way or another Mussolini would gain the 25% required. The Socialists voted against it but made no effort to coordinate other parties to oppose it. The PPI or Popolari were divided and leaderless after Mussolini had engineered the dismissal of Luigi Sturzo. The official policy was to abstain but 14 deputies voted for the measure. The smaller Liberal parties generally voted in favour. They lacked clear direction and many believed Mussolini's talk of strong government or hoped to keep their positions. There is no doubt that the presence of armed squadristi in the Chamber intimidated many into voting for the measure.//)

睇睇「天能」，講緊邊個係呼之欲出……

//Tenets

Robert O. Paxton finds that even though fascism "maintained the existing regime of property and social hierarchy," it cannot be considered "simply a more muscular form of conservatism" because "fascism in power did carry out some changes profound enough to be called 'revolutionary.'"[206] These transformations "often set fascists into conflict with conservatives rooted in families, churches, social rank, and property." Paxton argues that "fascism redrew the frontiers between private and public, sharply diminishing what had once been untouchably private. It changed the practice of citizenship from the enjoyment of constitutional rights and duties to participation in mass ceremonies of affirmation and conformity. It reconfigured relations between the individual and the collectivity, so that an individual had no rights outside community interest. It expanded the powers of the executive—party and state—in a bid for total control. Finally, it unleashed aggressive emotions hitherto known in Europe only during war or social revolution."[206]

Nationalism with or without expansionism

Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism.[207] Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and Manichean view of history" which holds that "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers."[208] Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being palingenetic ultranationalism.[37]

The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.[209] Fascism seeks to solve economic, political and social problems by achieving a millenarian national rebirth, exalting the nation or race above all else and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.[210][page needed][211][page needed][212][page needed][213][2] European fascist movements typically espouse a racist conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans.[214] Beyond this, fascists in Europe have not held a unified set of racial views.[214] Historically, most fascists promoted imperialism, although there have been several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions.[214] For example, Nazism and Italian Fascism were expansionist and irredentist. Falangism in Spain envisioned the worldwide unification of Spanish-speaking peoples (Hispanidad). British Fascism was non-interventionist, though it did embrace the British Empire.//

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism

*****
//二者之間的主要差異在於:

納粹主義比較強調"國家的目的是為了達成那些根於其民族和種族的理念"，尤其是在社會工程的文化上，它強調"以犧牲其他所有種族來達成德國民族的繁榮"。

而相較之下墨索里尼的法西斯主義則認為"文化因素應該替國家服務，國家不需替某些特定的種族服務"。

法西斯主義的政府目標是為了"將國家的地位置於所有其他事物之上"，因此法西斯主義"可以說是一種強調政府中央集權至上的理論"。

而納粹強調的則是「民族」和「民族共同體」，納粹主義認為政府和政黨都只是用以達成某些特定人民的理想的工具，而法西斯主義則是明確地反社會主義的中央集權主義形式。

***********
主要不一樣的地方在於 "種族主義"
法西斯主義並沒有特別強調義大利人優於其他種族
但納粹主義處處強調日耳曼人種的優越性
並且據此聲明所有日耳曼人應該統一於一國

並且，同理，納粹主義還以此定義出各級落後民族
其中又以猶太人最為低下
這些法西斯主義是沒有的//
引自奇摩答問，來源連結已失效https://tw.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20130623000015KK03499

***********

//人类自由的三大死敌——谈谈“共产运动、纳粹主义、政教合一”的共性

◇纳粹主义（Nazism）

“纳粹主义”来自于希特勒领导下的“纳粹党”。该党的全称是“国家社会主义德国工人党”。“纳粹主义”的核心是“极端的民族主义”，外围还包括了：“国家主义”、“优生学”、“反犹太”、“反共”等元素。
　　很多人把“纳粹主义”跟“法西斯主义”混淆了。以为这两者是一回事儿。其实不然。
　　从某种意义上，可以把“纳粹主义”看成是“法西斯主义”的一个分支（这是学术界常见的一种主张）。但其实两者有很大区别：纳粹主义更强调“民族”而 “法西斯主义”更强调“国家”。即使你非要把“纳粹主义”看成是“法西斯主义”的一个分支，你也应该明白——这是最危险的分支。
　　关于“纳粹主义”的更多介绍，可以参考维基百科的词条（在“这里”）
　　举例：
　　希特勒建立的纳粹德国（又称“第三帝国”）是纳粹主义【仅有的一次】掌权实践。仅这一次，就导致二战（全球死亡超过5000万，甚至更高）。//
https://program-think.blogspot.com/2015/01/Communism-Nazism-Caesaropapism.html

see also: 網友現場問答環節：打死ISIS容乜易/ 李嘉誠絕不能雄霸英國〈蕭遙遊〉2015-09-21 f
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=89-k68oLnvU

+++

講下個「者」字

「者」出自「煮」或「蔗」，假借其意而來。因頂部的「耂」與「老」、「考」無關，有些寫法會在撇下多加一點，但這做法傳統上是沒有的。

//Pictogram (象形) – a bush with intertwined branches in a ritual vessel; precise sense unclear.[1] Phonetic loan (假借) for abstract meanings.

Top 耂 is unrelated to 老 and 考, thus in some forms (notably the form used in the Kangxi Dictionary) there is an added dot to distinguish 者 from these others, but this is not present traditionally.//
https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E8%80%85

假借字

https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%81%87%E5%80%9F%E5%AD%97

假借字是中國古書中的用字情況之一，漢孕字的數量有限，而語言中的詞彙無窮，要用有限的文字紀錄無窮的詞彙，文字的表詞範圍就不斷地擴大，不僅僅用於記錄本義或相關意思（引申義）的詞，而且也以讀音為媒介用於與本義毫不相關的詞。凡是古文獻中的用字，如果它所記錄的詞彙不是該字的本義或引伸義，這個字就是假借字。

假借字有兩種情形：本無其字的假借、本有其字的假借。

本無其字的假借
某些詞原先並沒有為它專門造字，人們從現有的文字中選取某些同音字來記錄它，這就是本無其字的假借。為了區別用法，人們有兩種做法

1) 為假借字的本義另造新字，例如︰

例字	假借義	本義	表本義的後起字
然	代詞：樣子，用於形容詞尾	燃燒	燃
午	十二支的第七位	棒槌	杵
乎	疑問語氣詞	呼叫	呼
莫	否定代詞	黃昏	暮
且	表示轉折	祖宗	祖

2) 為假借義別造新字，例如︰

例字	本義	假借義	為假借義而 造的後起字
采	採摘	色彩	彩
烏	烏鴉	感嘆詞	嗚
與	幫助	①語氣助語②連詞	歟

本有其字的假借

某些詞原先已為它造過專用字，但出於種種原因，書寫者沒使用本字，而另找一個讀音相同或相近的字來代替，這種情形是有其字的假借。例如︰

假借字	本義	假借義	本字
毋	「母」的變體字	否定助詞	無
蚤	一種昆蟲	早	早
無	「舞」的初文	沒有或亡失	亡

***********

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_character_classification#Rebus_.28phonetic_loan.29_characters

Jiajie (假借 jiǎjiè, "borrowing; making use of") are characters that are "borrowed" to write another homophonous or near-homophonous morpheme. For example, the character 來 was originally a pictogram of a wheat plant and meant *mlək "wheat". As this was pronounced similarly to the Old Chinese word *lai "to come", 來 was also used to write this verb. Eventually the more common usage, the verb "to come", became established as the default reading of the character 來, and a new character麥 was devised for "wheat". (The modern pronunciations are lái and mài.) When a character is used as a rebus this way, it is called a jiajiezi 假借字 (lit. "loaned and borrowed character") (in Wade-Giles "chia-chie" or "chia-chieh"), translatable as "phonetic loan character" or "rebus character".

As in Egyptian hieroglyphs and Sumerian cuneiform, early Chinese characters were used as rebuses to express abstract meanings that were not easily depicted. Thus many characters stood for more than one word. In some cases the extended use would take over completely, and a new character would be created for the original meaning, usually by modifying the original character with a radical (determinative). For instance, 又 yòu originally meant "right hand; right" but was borrowed to write the abstract word yòu "again; moreover". In modern usage, the character 又 exclusively represents yòu "again" while 右, which adds the "mouth radical" 口 to 又, represents yòu "right". This process of graphic disambiguation is a common source of phono-semantic compound characters.

Examples of jiajie

Pictograph or ideograph	Rebus word	Original word	New character for original word
四	sì "four"	sì "nostrils"	泗 (mucous; sniffle)
枼	yè "flat, thin"	yè "leaf"	葉
北	běi "north"	bèi "back (of the body)"	背
要	yào "to want"	yāo "waist"	腰
少	shǎo "few"	shā "sand"	沙 and 砂
永	yǒng "forever"	yǒng "swim"	泳

While this word jiajie dates from the Han Dynasty, the related term tongjia (通假 tōngjiǎ "interchangeable borrowing") is first attested from the Ming Dynasty. The two terms are commonly used as synonyms, but there is a linguistic distinction betweenjiajiezi being a phonetic loan character for a word that did not originally have a character, such as using 東 "a bag tied at both ends" [1] for dōng "east", and tongjia being an interchangeable character used for an existing homophonous character, such as using 蚤 zǎo "flea" for 早 zǎo "early".

According to Bernhard Karlgren, "One of the most dangerous stumbling-blocks in the interpretation of pre-Han texts is the frequent occurrence of [jiajie], loan characters."^[14]

科舉制度的防止作弊

我們看看中國科舉制度的防止作弊，便知理想和現實有多大出入，講和做明顯是兩回事。
這絶不是技術上做不來，完全是文化制度問題。

顯黜陳文敏（專欄作家　古德明） - 蘋果日報 2015年10月6日
//南宋紹興二十三年，朝廷開科取士，才子陸游赴考。但他出身反金家庭，一心北定中原，是宰相秦檜眼中釘。同時，秦檜孫子秦塤也來就試，「直欲首送（務求會試第一）」。主考陳阜卿得秦檜意旨，品評文卷，毅然把陸游「擢置第一」。秦檜大怒，「至罪主司（向陳阜卿問罪）」。第二年，陸游參加殿試，「主司復置游前列」，但秦檜恃勢，「顯黜之（公開貶黜陸游）」，結果陸游名滿天下，失意科場。一場取士風波，只造就了陳阜卿直節不阿的令名（《劍南詩稿》卷四十、《宋史》卷三九五）。//
http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20151006/19322377

科舉制度 - 防評卷作弊
//試卷封彌，難知誰屬
封彌，又稱「糊名」，是將試卷前邊的應舉人姓名、年齡、父祖三代姓名、籍貫等密封，改以不同的字號作為排序編號，以防考試官評定試卷時徇私作弊的一種制度。

北宋時一般於《玉篇》中取一字為號；南宋時，一般於《千字文》中取三字組成一號，如宋高宗以「任賢輝」三字為編號的試卷為第一，此即王十朋的殿試試卷。

真卷謄錄，朱卷評等
封彌之後，考試官還可以通過辨認筆跡，得知試卷是出自何人之手。為了堵塞這一漏洞，宋真宗時又創立了謄錄制度，即將應舉人的試卷由書吏謄錄之後，再交考試官評定。如殿試試卷評定程序一般為：應舉人交卷之後，先由封彌所將卷頭密封，代之以字號；然後交謄錄所，由書吏用紅筆謄寫為朱卷，對讀無誤，再交初考官評定等第；初考官評定等第之後，再交封彌所將所評等第密封；然後交複考官評定等第；最後交詳定官，拆開初考官所定等第，或從初考官，或從複考官，或上奏皇帝另定等第；確定等第之後，再從謄錄所調取真卷，拆號放榜。

試卷防弊，更顯公平
封彌、謄錄制度，在防止評定試卷作弊中起了關鍵作用。正如歐陽修所說：糊名、謄錄之後，使考試官不知為何方之人、誰人之子，不得有所愛憎厚薄，簡直像天一樣無情，像秤一樣公平，是一項不可更改的制度。這一評價雖然未免有點太絕對了些，但也是很有道理的。

封彌、謄錄不但為元、明、清三代所沿用，而且在我們今天的重要考試中，封彌制度仍然是不可缺少的。 //
http://hk.chiculture.net/1102/html/c/1102c15.html

暗黑大宋 范仲淹的科舉改革
//後來又實行了鎖院制，糊名謄抄制度，以讓科舉更加公平。不過弊病仍有很多，首先解試把關不嚴，發生多次舞弊情況，導致舉子質量嚴重良莠不齊，還有的因為出身不好用假名去科舉考試，或者利用各州解試時間不統一，使用好幾個「馬甲」參加多場解試，甚至有人運氣好才學又高，能名列三四個州府的解試榜單上。

不過有的保留下來，如保舉制度，還有的繼續在影響，雖然科舉資格不與州縣學掛鉤了，不過因為審查煩瑣，依然以各地州縣學學子優先。比如蘇東坡，儘管父親是大文豪，母親程氏是才女，小時候還將他送到三峰山道觀讀蒙學，後來看到蘇東坡整天不讀書，只知道玩，程氏又將他接回來，親自教育，隨著又送到老家私塾實相寺讀書，後來又送到縣學，甚至為了照顧他，一家人不得不搬進城中租房子住。某種程度上范仲淹雖推廣了州縣學，同時或多或少坑苦了貧家子弟。

總之，與慶曆改革其他的一樣，乃是一個不成熟的革新。

特別對夏竦，要知道沒有呂夷簡夏竦，范仲淹與韓琦就不會那麼順利上台，但君子黨們太苛薄了。個人認為二字當形容範仲淹，迂闊！//

http://tw.8shuw.net/book/19140/6393971.html